Very good reply, Bill. I like the way you got tough with him on the “top-down” question.

Incredible that this guy can rationalize his actions as “consultative” when NO efforts were EVER made by SIC to contact anyone in NCUC involved in developing our charter. And he still refuses to acknowledge that the enormous public comment response we got – on an obscure charter issue, for God’s sake – actually means something.

 

--MM

 


From: Non-Commercial User Constituency [mailto:[log in to unmask]] On Behalf Of William Drake
Sent: Sunday, October 18, 2009 5:32 AM
To: [log in to unmask]
Subject: Re: [NCUC-DISCUSS] "NCUC opposes constituencies"

 

More

 

Begin forwarded message:



From: William Drake <[log in to unmask]>

Date: October 18, 2009 11:18:41 AM GMT+02:00

To: Roberto Gaetano <[log in to unmask]>

Cc: "'At-Large Worldwide'" <[log in to unmask]>, "'ALAC Working List'" <[log in to unmask]>

Subject: Re: [At-Large] "placeholder" reps not placeholders?

 

Hi Roberto,

Thanks for your reply, glad we're talking about this stuff, helpful.

On Oct 18, 2009, at 1:01 AM, Roberto Gaetano wrote:


 

Bill,

 

We might have a communication problem.

What I meant, and please correct me if I am wrong, is that:

 

- the NCUC was against the creation of constituencies as groups that had

automatic voting seat(s) in the Council

- groups did not see any interest in doing the work of creating

constituencies if they were guaranteed no seats in the Council


If that is what you meant, then yes indeed we have a communication problem.  You wrote,

"But the main point for the SIC to maintain the concept of constituency, against the open opposition of NCUC," which sounded to me like you were saying the main point for the SIC is to maintain the concept of constituency, against the open opposition of NCUC.  Sorry for my confusion.

Bear in mind, I'e been hearing this kind of thing for months now, including from board members in MC, and there's list traffic this morning indicating that others here were not clear on the point.  So especially at a time when some ALAC folks are proposing constituencies, it's a cause for concern when someone in your position of authority appears to be saying NCUC opposes the whole concept.  That would be the RySG, not us.  (BTW, why did SIC ok RySG eliminating constituencies in their charter?  I never understood the rationale for not having harmonized structures across SGs, and it makes the misimpression about NCUC's charter which explicitly provides for constituencies seem all the more odd.)

Entirely separate from the principal of constituencies are two issues:

*Whether council seats should be hard wired.  On this we agree with the SIC, as you know.  I understand there are folks here who feel differently, and say nobody will want to do the work of launching a constituency if they don't automatically get a council seat.  I'm not convinced that's true---I know I and others I've talked to wouldn't feel that's necessarily a barrier, if per the NCUC proposed charter constituencies could run candidates in an open election and in all likelihood get one that way---but I understand the concern and that's a design issue we ought to be able to talk through and build confidence.

*Whether constituencies should be formed soon under the SIC/staff transitional charter, rather than waiting a little while until a mutually satisfactory final arrangement can be arrived at.  We remain concerned that doing it under the SIC/staff version would lock that in and make a joint review and revision impossible.  The timing here is up to you folks on the board, not us.  We'd prefer to resolve things with you ASAP, and constituency launches could then proceed as soon as there are viable proposals.  Unfortunately, I think NCUC folks have contributed to confusion on this point by saying the review should happen within a year, which some have processed as meaning we want to wait a year before anything can be launched.  Within a year doesn't mean in a year, we can do this as soon as you're ready.



Is this a fair representation of the reality, yes or no? If no, I apologize,

as I did really miss something important. If, on the other hand, the answer

is yes, I stand behind my whole post.

 

The question, as I understood it, was to find a balance that could have

taken into account to the maximum extent possible these two different and

apparently radically opposed positions. The fact that the solution is being

shot from both sides confirms that it was not an easy problem, and that

positions were really opposed. The point is now where we go from here. Can

we discuss and see if this is a solution that can work or not?


I sure hope so, and we are looking forward to meeting with the board and getting the process started.  But let's make sure we understand the positions and the differences between them accurately, that'll help facilitate things a productive dialogue.

 

To make statements that imply that SIC has not read the NCUC charters is not

helpful.


Didn't mean to imply this, but rather that if you believe NCUC opposes constituencies as you appeared to be saying, you might look again at the NCUC charter which endorses constituencies and suggests mechanisms for their formation and collaboration.


We have two possibilities, one is to get together and to make it

work, the other one is to insist that the bad and ugly SIC has imposed a

top-down solution against the will of the masses.


I didn't characterize the SIC as bad and ugly.  It is unquestionably true though that the SIC imposed a solution that was opposed by NCUC's 80 organizational and 87 individual members and a wide array of non-member supporters and was supported by 3 people.  If you don't like calling this top down, ok, give me another term for something done by the board over the strenuous opposition of the community in question.  I'm not hung up on language, just facts.


I see these as alternative

positions, for the simple fact that accepting and propagating the latter

means not to have understood (or to pretend not having understood) the

amount of consultation, negotiation and compromise that went into the

solution, which is the exact opposite of having imposed a top-down view.


Unfortunately, the consultation, negotiation and compromise didn't really involve NCUC.  But we can still do that, and very much look forward to working with you in Seoul and beyond to arrive at a lasting solution that is supported by the actually existing NC community.

All the best,

Bill

 

 

 

-----Original Message-----

From: William Drake [mailto:[log in to unmask]]

Sent: Saturday, 17 October 2009 11:58

To: Roberto Gaetano

Cc: At-Large Worldwide; ALAC Working List

Subject: Re: [At-Large] "placeholder" reps not placeholders?

 

Hi Roberto,

 

May I just correct once again one whopping bit of bad info, please.

 

On Oct 17, 2009, at 8:16 AM, Roberto Gaetano wrote:

 

Beau,

 

 

By the way, is it true what I heard that the three newly appointed

GNSO people have now been hard-wired in to two-year terms? I don't

really see a constituency model working under those circumstances.

Who's going to join a constituency if they have to wait

two years to

be able to directly elect a representative? No consumer group I am

aware of is going to want to do that.

 

 

I think that we will need to clarify many things in Seoul, one of

which is the reason for certain decisions of the SIC.

 

For instance, the SIC has decided, after long discussion,

not to have

an automatic link between creation of a constituency and

establishment

of a seat in the Council. The reasons against this position include

what you correctly point out, i.e. that it will be more

difficult to

get people's interest if there's no immediate

representation in terms

of voting rights.

However, there are also reasons for taking this approach.

One of these

is that we have to avoid the "frivolous" creation of constituencies

for the simple purpose of getting a vote. A bit like create empty

shells as registrars to have a higher firing power for getting

valuable names.

Another

observation is that in the "old" council it was exactly the

fact that

the creation of a new constituency would have altered the voting

balance that de facto prevented the creation of any new

constituency

in 10 years.

 

But the main point for the SIC to maintain the concept of

constituency, against the open opposition of NCUC, but to keep it

without an automatic

 

NCUC is NOT and has NEVER been against the concept of

constituencies, period.  I do not understand what the purpose

would be in telling ALAC people something about NCUC that is

patently untrue, but it really does not facilitate trust

building and the collegial resolution of the issue. The

charter NCUC submitted, and which you set aside without

comment, has an page of clear language about the formation

and operation of constituencies in Section 2.3.

http://gnso.icann.org/files/gnso/en/improvements/ncsg-petition

-charter.pdf

 I would encourage you to read it if you have not.  A few

key bits of note include:

 

-------------

 

*Constituencies are self-defined groupings of NCSG members organized

around some shared policy goals (e.g. consumer protection, privacy);

shared identity (e.g., region or country of origin, gender, language

group); type of organization (e.g., research networks, philanthropic

foundations) - or any other grouping principle that might affect

members' stance on domain names policy.

 

*There is no requirement that NCSG members join a constituency.

 

*When at least 3 organizational members or at least 10

individual NCSG

members volunteer to join the Constituency on the public list within

two months of the publication of the notification of intent the

prospective Constituency becomes eligible to schedule a

meeting (which

can be either in person or online).

 

*The eligible constituency holds a public meeting(s) to draft a

charter and appoint an official representative of the constituency.

The meeting(s) can be online but must be open to observation by the

general public.

 

*The proposed constituency charter is submitted to the NCSG Policy

Committee for ratification.

 

*Once accepted by the PC the constituency application will be

sent to

the ICANN Board for approval. The Board shall also serve as the

vehicle for appeals to NCSG decisions on the recognition of a

constituency.

 

*Constituencies have a right to: 1.    Place one voting

representative on

the Policy Committee; 2.       Delegate members to GNSO

working groups and

task forces; 3.            Issue statements on GNSO Policy

Development Processes

which are included in the

official NCSG response, but marked as constituency positions,

and not

necessarily the position of NCSG as a whole.

 

-------------

 

I do not know how this possibly can be characterized as

opposition to

the concept of a constituency.

 

The principal difference with the charter you've imposed on us, as

we've explained time and again, is that we do not think it

wise to set

up constituencies as purely self-regarding silos that compete

against

each other for council seats, recognition and influence, and thereby

spend their time fighting and jockeying for position rather than

working together to advance noncommercial public interest

perspectives

in ICANN.  We think it is better for constituencies to

collaborate in

an integrated community.  Hence, we did not think it sensible

to hard

wire council seats (which would get absurd if the number of

constituencies exceeds six, as it hopefully will...we're glad you

agreed on this), and instead suggested that GNSO Council

Representatives be elected directly by all NCSG members in an annual

SG-wide vote.  To secure a council seat, a constituency on consumer

protection, registrants, privacy, gender, freedom of speech or

whatever else would simply have to be a vibrant group that puts

forward a candidate and vision that others find persuasive.  Given

that noncommercial people tend to share certain broad values and

priorities, I'm hard pressed to imagine that, for example, a solid

consumer constituency that actually comprises noncommercial

actors and

advocates for the public interest would have a hard time getting

support from people who care about privacy, speech, and so on.  So

it'd be a matter of persuading colleagues rather than having a

birthright fiefdom within which one does one's own thing and ignores

everyone else.

 

We understand that questions have been raised about voting

formula and

whether it might make sense to put in place mechanisms to

prevent the

'capture' of the council, and we've said we're open to viable

suggestions on that score.  Have yet to hear one. One might add that

if NCUC's proposed charter had been approved and constituency

formation were made as easy as we'd hoped, the NCUC itself

would have

ceased to exist, and those of our current 80 organizational and 87

individual members who wanted to off and form constituencies on

privacy, gender, or whatever else would have done so.  So there'd be

no NCUC to be capturing anything in the first place.  In contrast,

under the SIC charter, NCUC would be nuts to disband, inter alia

because it'd leave our members homeless, especially the

individuals.

Hard to see how that would be good for ICANN.

 

voting power, against the obvious concerns of who wants to build new

constituencies, is the leit-motiv that has guided the whole

process

of the

review: move the focus away from the vote, which is by its nature

divisive,

onto the consensus building process.

New constituencies will not have the right to appoint their "own"

councillors, but will have the right to participate in WGs

and other

policy

making processes and bodies, will have support from ICANN staff and

resources to self-organize, will be able to participate

with their own

representatives in the Executive Committee of the NCSG, etc.

In simple words, what we have tried to do is to create a balance and

hopefully a possible way to coexist and, in time, to collaborate,

for all

the different components of the wide and diverse non-commercial

internet

community. Somebody on this list has spoken about

"reconsideration"

of the

Board's decision. This is surely possible. But what I would

propose

is to

try to discuss and understand if what the SIC has proposed

can work in

practice, although it is not going to be perfect for anybody, before

shooting it down and start all over again. This discussion

is for me

one of

the main priorities, if not the first priority altogether,

in Seoul,

which

as you all know will mark the end of my term as Director.

 

The ALAC and the NCUC are two big parts of this picture, the only

organized

bodies in ICANN so far (for non-commercial users), I personally

think that

the first step can be to have a joint discussion in Seoul. Bill's

proposal

of meeting in an event that is not only work, but also

social, goes

in this

sense, methinks.

 

Here we agree.  And I think finding common ground will be a

lot easier

if ALAC colleagues are not laboring under the false impression that

NCUC somehow wants to prevent them or other from forming

constituencies, hence the above.  Our main concern has been that we

first have an opportunity to work out a final, non-divisive charter

with the board, after which constituency launches could begin in

earnest.  In contrast, launching constituencies under the SIC

charter

would likely lock us into that framework and engender the very

fragmentation the meeting is intended to help overcome.

 

Cheers,

 

Bill

 

 

***********************************************************
William J. Drake
Senior Associate
Centre for International Governance
Graduate Institute of International and
 Development Studies
Geneva, Switzerland
[log in to unmask]
www.graduateinstitute.ch/cig/drake.html
***********************************************************